This report is from a number of distinguished German journalists who are fearsome of the domineering tactics of their own government and believe that for the now Germany is prepared to pursue its expansionist plans by economic bullying and diplomatic pressure. They have, in the past, warned of German dominance being successfully pursued in the former Yugoslavia.
Here they turn to the EU’s Constitutional wranglings and Germany’s part in them. They liken Blair’s blindness on this occasion to Neville Chamberlain’s blindness at the Munich sell-out in 1938 which extinguished Czechoslovakia and led to war.
They are too kind to Blair. Chamberlain was misguided but honest.
(Thanks to Edward Spalton)
Germany Calling No. 67
“PEACE IN OUR TIME”
----Report by the German journalists of www.german-foreign-policy.com , dated 24/06/2007
----Translated by Edward Spalton for www.freenations.freeuk.com
BERLIN/WARSAW (Own report) The German federal government has ended its EU presidency with an all- European disaster which has opened up severe divisions between European states. In order to force through Germany’s ideas at the summit in Brussels, Berlin threatened the Polish negotiating team with methods of compulsion. On Friday, the German authorities, with the intention of blackmail, let it be known that Warsaw “could not persist long in its veto”. Eventually, with the assistance of several heads of government from among the German-dominated states, the Polish side gave way. Poland’s hope for an open revolt against the German government’s demand for European leadership failed again. The German press, conscious of victory, wrote that their government had “played poker” with Warsaw which was very risky but had finally paid off and asserted that a “refractory” Poland had been “brought into line” by German “toughness”. The provocative action by the German presidency leaves behind wounds which will be difficult to heal and establishes the EU as a polity, openly recognisable as enforced by compulsion. Small and medium-sized EU member states are under the guardianship of the larger states – with Berlin at the top.
Whilst German press and parties assured each other that they had pulled off a “diplomatic masterstroke” (1), it was greeted with horror in several EU Foreign Offices. The Czech delegation let it be known that it regarded the Brussels summit as “a fiasco” and that it confirmed the fears of the eurosceptic leadership around Vaclav Klaus. A member of the Czech delegation informed us that “We tried to support the Poles but, without a partner from one of the larger states, we were powerless.”
The EU states which consider themselves to be traditional protectors of Poland and the Czech Republic understood that the German guidelines had been followed and did not expressly oppose the blackmail of Poland. The ultimatum, concocted in the German presidency that the historic objections of Poland should be defeated, was laid before the British and French sides for examination before the German spokesman announced that the choice was between Polish capitulation or expulsion. Although Britain and France expressed “certain reservations” (2) concerning this protocol, they finally and co-operatively decided against Poland. So Poland was somewhat reassured that the doubts concerning Germany’s political preponderance were shared and that they would be able to push Germany into difficulty – next time round.
The Legation Counsellor
The English Prime Minister appeared to be satisfied that the German chancellor had given him an opt-out on the EU’s charter of fundamental rights; the new French President was rewarded with several highly visible appearances before the international press. Although of negligible importance in terms of power politics, Luxemburg’s prime minister Jean-Claude Junker proved to be highly useful in his collaboration with Berlin.
Juncker held himself out to Warsaw as a neutral mediator and concerned friend of Poland. In allusion to his regular efforts on behalf of German foreign policy, Juncker is now known in EU circles as “the legation counsellor”. Subsidiaries of German bank and industrial circles which operate abroad on the fringes of legality have operations based in Luxemburg, amongst other places.
The willingness of the British and French delegations to work to order recalls similar occurrences from European pre-war history. In order to avoid serious disagreements with Berlin and to safeguard common economic interests, the Western powers agreed on an alleged compromise which resulted de facto in the annexation of Czechoslovakia by Berlin.
The then British Prime Minister, Neville Chamberlain, said on his return from negotiations with the Germans that there was now hope for a long-lasting peace. (“I believe it is peace in our time”) (3). This misconception had serious consequences.
Historical lessons, to which the chief Polish negotiator in Brussels referred (4) were sharply rejected by those EU states which had their own history of occupation to complain about but which now owe allegiance to Berlin because of strong economic dependency. The Danish Prime Minister called the justified reference to Poland’s war dead in the Second World War “absurd” (5). There were similar remarks from Estonia and Hungary. In these countries public recollection of the treachery of their own National Socialist collaborators is feared, as is contemporary study of the causes of the Second World War – the tracks could well lead back to Berlin.
Please read excerpts from the speech by the British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, which he gave after the conclusion of the German-English discussions in September 1938. (“Peace in our time”)
These excerpts and the footnotes ( ) appear on